{"id":35,"date":"2014-02-16T11:40:34","date_gmt":"2014-02-16T11:40:34","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/scscsussex.wordpress.com\/?p=35"},"modified":"2014-02-16T11:40:34","modified_gmt":"2014-02-16T11:40:34","slug":"anti-corruption-by-text-message","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/2014\/02\/16\/anti-corruption-by-text-message\/","title":{"rendered":"Anti-corruption by text message?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><b>Hong Kong\u2019s Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) is forty years old this year. This has subsequently prompted plenty of discussion in China as to whether the mainland can learn from the ICAC&#8217;s successes. \u00a0Being realistic, any suggestion that the ICAC model can be transferred to mainland China is almost certainly wide of the mark. If Chinese officials want to seriously tackle corruption, then they are going to have come up with more innovative ideas than that.<\/b><\/p>\n<p>Hong Kong\u2019s <a href=\"http:\/\/www.icac.org.hk\/en\/home\/index.html\">ICAC<\/a> has a formidable reputation.\u00a0 A recent scandal about the inflated expenses of Timothy Tong (see <a href=\"http:\/\/www.scmp.com\/comment\/insight-opinion\/article\/1236924\/timothy-tong-scandal-how-preserve-icacs-reputation\">here<\/a>) may have caused a degree of consternation at home, but when anti-corruption agencies are discussed outside of Hong Kong, it is never long before the \u2018<a href=\"http:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/abs\/10.1080\/13439006.2010.482757#.UwCf1fl_t2A\">ICAC Model<\/a>\u2019 is mentioned. The ICAC is the Rolls Royce of ACAs.\u00a0 It therefore shouldn\u2019t be too much of a surprise when questions are asked about what China can learn from the ICAC\u2019s experience.\u00a0 Given the way contemporary China works, the answer to this question is straightforward; very little.<\/p>\n<p>If an ICAC-like model were to have any traction in Beijing, then China\u2019s entire system of governance would have to be re-shaped and re-moulded. It would have to be given an independence that would place it above and (far) beyond the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI). It would need to have strong leadership and ample resources. And, most importantly, it would need to be free from political interference.\u00a0 With the best will in the world, any Chinese ICAC is not going to be granted these things.<\/p>\n<p>Practical moves to tackle corruption in China will therefore have to begin from rather different starting points.\u00a0 One such method is to genuinely empower citizens to report on any incidences of corruption that they\u2019ve experienced. All anti-corruption campaigns claim to want to empower citizens, but very few do so in anything more than a superficial way. One approach that might have mileage in China, however, can be found in Lahore, Pakistan.\u00a0 Corruption in land transactions in particular reached such proportions in the capital of Pakistani Punjab that the Chief Minister, Shahbaz Sharif, introduced a system (the \u2018<a href=\"http:\/\/punjabmodel.gov.pk\/\">Citizen Feedback Model<\/a>\u2019) that would enable citizens to report back on corrupt transactions. The Lahore authorities created a private organisation to send everyone who had dealings with local government offices a so-called \u2018robo-call\u2019 (you have to sign up, and be able to speak Urdu, but you can hear it <a href=\"https:\/\/soundcloud.com\/punjabmodel\/cm-robo-call-property-registry\">here<\/a>!) from the Chief Minister, and then a text asking them to report back on the quality of the service that they received, and, most pressingly, whether they were asked to pay a bribe.<\/p>\n<p>Over 2.1m text messages have been dispatched since 2010 and over 8,000 cases of corruption have been reported.\u00a0 From that the quango can create so-called heat maps, illustrating where bribes tend to be demanded and how much has generally been paid.\u00a0 The statistics aren\u2019t there solely to enable law enforcement to arrest those corrupters who have been regularly mentioned, rather the aims are more subtle. On the one hand, public servants who are suspected of feathering their own nests can be tested out by so-called \u2018mystery customers\u2019.\u00a0 Corrupt officials can then be caught in the act.\u00a0 On the other hand, the very knowledge that the text message service exists is hopefully enough to channel the minds of some potential bribers. The system therefore has both carrots and sticks in it, as well as a degree of subtlety.<\/p>\n<p>The Lahore system clearly can\u2019t simply be transposed on to the whole of China.\u00a0 It does, however, have the advantage of empowering citizens to take action.\u00a0 It subsequently also doesn\u2019t go against the ethos of the current anti-corruption drive.<\/p>\n<p>One of the things that successful anti-corruption work has to do is under-promise in the hope of over-performing. All too frequently anti-corruption in practice does precisely the opposite; over-promise but ultimately under-achieve.\u00a0 The Lahore experiment with anti-corruption by text message might be one small way that China could begin to make progress.<\/p>\n<p>Dan Hough<\/p>\n<p>University of Sussex<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Hong Kong\u2019s Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) is forty years old this year. This has subsequently prompted plenty of discussion in China as to whether the mainland can learn from the ICAC&#8217;s successes. \u00a0Being realistic, any suggestion that the ICAC<span class=\"ellipsis\">&hellip;<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"read-more\"><a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/2014\/02\/16\/anti-corruption-by-text-message\/\">Read more &#8250;<\/a><\/div>\n<p><!-- end of .read-more --><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":359,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"spay_email":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[207129,96083,208488,215681],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/35"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/359"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=35"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/35\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=35"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=35"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=35"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}