{"id":73,"date":"2014-12-03T07:37:53","date_gmt":"2014-12-03T07:37:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/scscsussex.wordpress.com\/?p=73"},"modified":"2014-12-03T07:37:53","modified_gmt":"2014-12-03T07:37:53","slug":"the-cpis-far-from-perfect-but-maybe-we-should-cut-it-some-slack","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/2014\/12\/03\/the-cpis-far-from-perfect-but-maybe-we-should-cut-it-some-slack\/","title":{"rendered":"The CPI&#8217;s far from perfect, but maybe we should cut it some slack"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Another year, another CPI.\u00a0 The world\u2019s most well-watched measure of public sector corruption was published on 3 December and the usual suspects were in pretty much their usual places.\u00a0 Denmark (92 out of 100) pipped perennial rivals New Zealand (91) and Finland (89) for the top spot, whilst North Korea and Somalia once more share the dubious honour of coming joint 174<sup>th<\/sup> and therefore last.\u00a0 A number of countries can be celebrated as apparent success stories; the Ivory Coast, Egypt, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, for example, all improved on their 2013 performance by five points, whilst Afghanistan, Jordan, Mali and Swaziland added four points to their previous totals.\u00a0 At the other end of the spectrum Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019s Turkey dropped five points (from 50 to 45, and with that from to 64<sup>th<\/sup> from 53<sup>rd<\/sup>), whilst Angola, Malawi and most notably China \u2013 despite an ongoing and high-profile anti-corruption campaign from leader Xi Jinping (see <a href=\"http:\/\/www.scmp.com\/comment\/insight-opinion\/article\/1374631\/corruption-china-may-appear-get-worse-it-gets-better\">here<\/a> and <a href=\"http:\/\/scscsussex.wordpress.com\/2014\/10\/15\/xi-jinping-continues-to-talk-tough-on-corruption-but-the-more-he-cracks-the-whip-the-more-he-reveals-the-superficiality-of-what-hes-doing\/\">here<\/a> for more on that) \u2013 dropped four places.<\/p>\n<p>So much for the nuts and bolts of the results, which can be dissected in all their glory <a href=\"http:\/\/www.transparency.org\/cpi2014\">here<\/a>.\u00a0 What can and should we read out of all this?\u00a0 In order to answer that question it is worth stepping back and remembering how the index works and what TI is trying (successfully and unsuccessfully) to do with it.\u00a0 The CPI is a composite index and a variety \u2013 12 in 2014 \u2013 of data sources are used to create what is effectively a poll of polls on perceptions of public sector corruption in a given country.\u00a0 TI provides a detailed account of where its data comes from (see <a href=\"http:\/\/www.transparency.org\/cpi2014\/in_detail\">here<\/a>) and also how it uses it.\u00a0 The CPI was first published in 1995 when it included 41 countries, with New Zealand achieving the best score (i.e. nearest to 10, as it was then) and Indonesia the worst (nearest to 0).\u00a0 By 2014 the CPI had expanded to 175 countries.\u00a0 The data produced is used, in varying ways and for varying purposes, by journalists, other anti-corruption organisations and not least politicians, and the CPI has undoubtedly developed into the key brand name in the study of corruption worldwide.<\/p>\n<p>The CPI\u2019s prominence has certainly not shielded it from criticism.\u00a0 Indeed, criticising the methodology that underpins the CPI has become very commonplace.\u00a0 Steffan Andersson and Paul Heywood, for example, see a number of basic problems (see <a href=\"http:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/10.1111\/j.1467-9248.2008.00758.x\/abstract\">here<\/a>).\u00a0 Firstly, the CPI measures perceptions of corruption rather than corruption itself.\u00a0 Secondly, there are fundamental definitional problems that should lead us to be very unsure of what respondents actually understand the term corruption to mean.\u00a0 Indeed, frequently it appears that the terms bribery and corruption are used interchangeably and are for many one and the same thing.\u00a0 Thirdly, the CPI suffers from \u2018false accuracy\u2019 and there is no way of knowing what the real difference between scores that are closely grouped together is in practice.\u00a0 A difference, in other words, of just a few points can lead to countries being a fair distance apart in the league table and yet we are not at all sure that these differences actually reflect what is happening in the real world.\u00a0 Finally, responses to the various surveys are very likely to be shaped by \u2013 whether directly or indirectly \u2013 the assumptions and attitudes of the western business community; for the simple reason that the majority of people asked have roots in this particular milieu.<\/p>\n<p>Other analysts have also not been slow in coming forward with their criticisms.\u00a0 Steve Sampson, speaking for many in the development studies community, is sceptical of what he regards as \u201ccorruption becoming a scientific concept\u201d as measurement tools like the CPI can, and have, easily become objects of political manipulation (see <a href=\"http:\/\/www.lunduniversity.lu.se\/lup\/publication\/2173601\">here<\/a> for Sampson\u2019s at times biting critique).\u00a0 Even fellow quantifiers such as Theresa Thompson and Anwar Shah from the World Bank have criticised some of the statistical techniques that TI have employed (see <a href=\"http:\/\/siteresources.worldbank.org\/INTWBIGOVANTCOR\/Resources\/TransparencyInternationalCorruptionIndex.pdf\">here<\/a>). They leave no one in any doubt as to how grave they think the CPI\u2019s methodological shortcomings are when they state that \u201ccloser scrutiny of the methodology \u2026 raises serious doubts about the usefulness of aggregated measures of corruption\u201d and \u201cpotential bias introduced by measurement errors lead to the conclusion that these measures are unlikely to be reliable, especially when employed in econometric analyses\u201d (Thompson and Shah, 2005, pp-8-9).\u00a0 Stephen Knack\u2019s careful dissection of the CPI (<a href=\"https:\/\/openknowledge.worldbank.org\/bitstream\/handle\/10986\/8377\/wps3968.pdf?sequence=1\">here<\/a>) also makes uncomfortable reading for TI defenders; he argues, for example, that scores are frequently not based on the same set of sources that were used for that country in the previous year.\u00a0 This is evidence, he claims, of the unreliability of scores even within one country, let alone on a cross national basis. He also raises further significant issues about the independence \u2013 in a statistical sense \u2013 of the data used, claiming that many of the \u2018statistically significant\u2019 changes that TI claims to have uncovered would not in reality be so if \u201cappropriate corrections for interdependence\u201d had been made.<\/p>\n<p>For its part, TI has certainly tried its level best both to be open about the methodological shortcomings of the CPI (as well as its other corruption indices) and also to adjust them wherever possible.\u00a0 The founder of the CPI index, Johann Graf Lambsdorff, for example, is careful to acknowledge some of the methodological issues inherent in <em>all <\/em>composite indicators and he is always careful to describe changes in country scores from year to year as changes in <em>perceived <\/em>corruption rather in actual corruption levels.\u00a0 TI has also tacitly admitted that the CPI has its limitations by the very fact that it has developed a whole host of other indices \u2013 such as the <a href=\"http:\/\/www.transparency.org\/bpi2011\">Bribe Payers Index<\/a> and the <a href=\"http:\/\/www.transparency.org\/gcb2013\">Global Corruption Barometer<\/a> \u2013 looking at both the perceptions and experiences of specific groups of stakeholders (ranging from businessmen to households).\u00a0 One of TI\u2019s founders, Jeremy Pope, has been rather more explicit, claiming that \u201cthe CPI\u2019s major usefulness is in the past\u201d and the TI has to be \u201ca lot more sophisticated these days\u201d (quoted in Andersson and Heywood, 2009, p.755).<\/p>\n<p>And yet, all these criticisms not withstanding, the CPI has done one indisputable thing; it has put the issues of corruption and anti-corruption well and truly on the policy map.\u00a0 Indeed, as Andersson and Heywood astutely observe;<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;We should not underplay its significance in the fight against corruption: its value goes beyond the stimulation of research activity, since the publication of the CPI each autumn has generated widespread media interest across the world and contributed to galvanising international anti-corruption initiatives, such as those sponsored by the World Bank and the OECD&#8221; (Andersson and Heywood, 209, p.747).<\/p>\n<p>Even staunch critics of the quantification of corruption have begrudgingly admitted that \u201cwhatever its limitations\u201d the development of the CPI has \u201cundoubtedly done much to promote the anti-corruption agenda\u201d (see <a href=\"http:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/10.1111\/j.1467-8330.2004.00406.x\/abstract\">here<\/a>).\u00a0 It is also doubtful that any of the more nuanced second and third generation indices that both TI itself and other organisations have developed would have seen the light of day if the CPI hadn\u2019t existed before them.<\/p>\n<p>So, with all that in mind, we should be careful of perhaps reading too much in to the data that has been produced.\u00a0 But we should also perhaps be wary that cynicism gets us nowhere and that TI, for all its sins, continues to push the analysis of corruption to the forefront of our thinking.\u00a0 And that alone should be reason enough to cut the CPI just a little slack.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Another year, another CPI.\u00a0 The world\u2019s most well-watched measure of public sector corruption was published on 3 December and the usual suspects were in pretty much their usual places.\u00a0 Denmark (92 out of 100) pipped perennial rivals New Zealand (91)<span class=\"ellipsis\">&hellip;<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"read-more\"><a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/2014\/12\/03\/the-cpis-far-from-perfect-but-maybe-we-should-cut-it-some-slack\/\">Read more &#8250;<\/a><\/div>\n<p><!-- end of .read-more --><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":359,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"spay_email":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/73"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/359"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=73"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/73\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=73"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=73"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=73"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}