{"id":918,"date":"2019-02-01T07:26:20","date_gmt":"2019-02-01T07:26:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/scscsussex.wordpress.com\/?p=918"},"modified":"2019-02-01T07:26:20","modified_gmt":"2019-02-01T07:26:20","slug":"mission-creep-and-a-credibility-crisis-is-the-financial-action-task-force-still-fit-for-purpose","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/2019\/02\/01\/mission-creep-and-a-credibility-crisis-is-the-financial-action-task-force-still-fit-for-purpose\/","title":{"rendered":"Mission creep and a credibility crisis: Is the Financial Action Task Force still fit for purpose?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>This year, the Financial Action Task Force \u2013 the global standard setter in the fight against financial crime \u2013 will celebrate its 30th birthday.\u00a0 Given the constant stream of headlines revealing egregious cases of money laundering around the world, <strong>Tom Keatinge<\/strong>\u00a0(Director of the Centre for Financial Crime &amp; Security Studies at RUSI) asks whether FATF remains fit for purpose.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>What started in 1989 as a \u2018taskforce\u2019 to tackle the laundering of the proceeds of the South American narcotics industry through US banks has experienced extreme mission creep.\u00a0Following 9\/11, its mandate was expanded to embrace terrorist financing; in 2012 it expanded again to cover the implementation of United Nations financial sanctions to counter the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; and it regularly publishes reports alerting countries and their regulated sectors to different forms and methods of illicit finance including human trafficking, the abuse of beneficial ownership, and the threats posed by vulnerabilities in the charitable sector or the physical transportation of cash.\u00a0 Those present that day in 1989 at the G7 meeting in Paris <a href=\"https:\/\/global.oup.com\/academic\/product\/confronting-corruption-9780190458348?cc=gb&amp;lang=en&amp;\">wondered<\/a> whether the institution they\u2019d created would last three months, let alone 30 years.<\/p>\n<p>The FATF (comprising 36 mainly rich countries) has driven tremendous \u2013 and generally positive \u2013 change in the global anti money laundering (AML) landscape.\u00a0 The regular assessment of countries\u2019 implementation of its recommendations (something of a misnomer given the harsh consequences of ignoring them) has raised standards and capabilities around the world; its practice of naming-and-shaming countries that fall short of compliance has spawned a vast industry of consultants, donors and trainers who travel the world helping laggards address their shortcomings.<\/p>\n<p><!--more--><\/p>\n<p>So far, so sensible.<\/p>\n<p>But over time, the FATF realised that so-called \u2018technical compliance\u2019 with its standards brought no certainty of \u2018effectiveness\u2019.\u00a0 Having AML laws and a national financial intelligence unit (FIU) did not mean that a country would actually do anything to disrupt money-laundering on its patch.<\/p>\n<p>And so, in a further and seemingly logical bout of mission creep, in 2012 the FATF decided that it would measure not only technical compliance but would also attempt to assess effectiveness.\u00a0 An assessment that had been objective became highly subjective and, as a result, open to influence.<\/p>\n<p>With about one-third of the world\u2019s nations having been scrutinised under this new methodology, it is reasonable to assess the FATF itself, and, in particular, the credibility and impartiality of its evaluation process.<\/p>\n<p>Let\u2019s start with the \u2018naming-and-shaming\u2019 list, the most visible tool of FATF influence.\u00a0 The list contains 13 \u2018high risk and other monitored countries\u2019, all but one of which (North Korea) are on a \u2018grey list\u2019 for their deficiencies.\u00a0 North Korea is on the \u2018black list\u2019 due to the ongoing and substantial risks it poses to the international financial system.\u00a0 Iran is in limbo &#8211; <a href=\"https:\/\/rusi.org\/commentary\/final-nail-coffin-iran-nuclear-deal\">it\u2019s a long story<\/a> &#8211; between the two categories.\u00a0 But look closely at that list and there is a striking absence.\u00a0 Not one of the 36 FATF member countries is on the list, despite the calamitous AML failings of several.\u00a0 The 13 names in lights are members only of FATF\u2019s regional bodies and are much less central to global finance than the FATF members themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Consider the evaluation reports of Denmark and Austria \u2013 both FATF members.\u00a0 The former is beset by the scandal surrounding its national banking champion, Danske Bank.\u00a0 This catastrophe is perhaps unsurprising given the FATF\u2019s 2017 <a href=\"http:\/\/www.fatf-gafi.org\/media\/fatf\/documents\/reports\/mer4\/MER-Denmark-2017.pdf\">report\u00a0<\/a>n the country revealed an uncoordinated national AML response, the lack of an AML strategy, and the ineffective functioning of its FIU.\u00a0 The 2016 <a href=\"http:\/\/www.fatf-gafi.org\/media\/fatf\/documents\/reports\/mer4\/MER-Austria-2016.pdf\">report<\/a> on the latter likewise reveals an uncoordinated AML response with a mixed and incomplete understanding of its money laundering risks. \u00a0Yet it is hard to understand why neither has been consigned to the hall of shame, pending work to address these major shortcomings.<\/p>\n<p>The recently published evaluation of the UK also raises credibility questions.\u00a0 Exhibiting selective reading of the report, HM Treasury <a href=\"https:\/\/www.gov.uk\/government\/news\/uk-takes-top-spot-in-fight-against-dirty-money\">declared<\/a> that it showed \u2018The UK is leading the world in the fight against illicit finance\u2019. This despite the central role the country plays in many global money laundering schemes, the alarming state of the country\u2019s FIU and noted supervisory shortcomings.\u00a0 Given the dominant position of the UK in the international financial system, such failings arguably threaten the integrity of the international financial system far more than the weaknesses of the countries on the list.<\/p>\n<p>Where does this leave our assessment of the FATF?\u00a0 Global AML standards have certainly been raised and the effectiveness assessments are a logical addition to its work; but evidence suggests that the integrity of the financial system remains far from secure, even in leading and developed economies. \u00a0Indeed, the FATF process has arguably globalised and entrenched a system that \u2013 whilst well-intended and initially effective \u2013 is no longer working, particularly for those advanced countries that have achieved technical compliance.<\/p>\n<p>It is perhaps unfair to criticise the FATF itself as it is but a technical body, answerable to and directed by its members.\u00a0 But herein lie the critical issues.\u00a0 The FATF\u2019s lack of <a href=\"https:\/\/scscsussex.wordpress.com\/2019\/01\/14\/whitewashing-the-uk-the-financial-action-task-forces-evaluation-of-the-uk-puts-its-credibility-at-stake\/\">inclusivity<\/a> and transparency must be urgently addressed if it is to maintain credibility.\u00a0 Its vulnerability to horse-trading and political influence is highly damaging.\u00a0 Protecting the integrity of the financial system is critical; yet at a time when global norms are being acutely tested, any hint that the protectors favour their own or are susceptible to political interference may prove fatal to that very objective.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>This year, the Financial Action Task Force \u2013 the global standard setter in the fight against financial crime \u2013 will celebrate its 30th birthday.\u00a0 Given the constant stream of headlines revealing egregious cases of money laundering around the world, Tom<span class=\"ellipsis\">&hellip;<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"read-more\"><a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/2019\/02\/01\/mission-creep-and-a-credibility-crisis-is-the-financial-action-task-force-still-fit-for-purpose\/\">Read more &#8250;<\/a><\/div>\n<p><!-- end of .read-more --><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":359,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"spay_email":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[211436,211744,212020],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/918"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/359"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=918"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/918\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=918"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=918"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/centre-for-the-study-of-corruption\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=918"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}