{"id":156,"date":"2023-01-18T10:20:00","date_gmt":"2023-01-18T10:20:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/sussex-centre-for-migration-research\/?p=156"},"modified":"2023-01-17T20:56:44","modified_gmt":"2023-01-17T20:56:44","slug":"entangled-identities-of-second-generation-gurkha-nepalis-in-the-uk","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/sussex-centre-for-migration-research\/2023\/01\/18\/entangled-identities-of-second-generation-gurkha-nepalis-in-the-uk\/","title":{"rendered":"Entangled identities of second-generation Gurkha Nepali\u2019s in the UK"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Safina Bull, University of Exeter, BA Liberal Arts 2022<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The paradox of belonging to two places, but at the same time not belonging to either, is something that many people face in a migratory context. Negotiating one\u2019s entangled, intersecting identities is a complex process of defining, consciously and unconsciously, who you are and who you are not. My research with second-generation Nepali youth in the UK illustrates well such entangled identities, and of how people negotiate multiple belonging. Focussing on young Nepalis from Gurkha Army families in the UK, I find that the ways in which Nepalis have been incorporated in the Gurkha Army (as part of the Gurkha infantry or outside of it), and their social and economic capital has a clear impact on how their children born and raised in the UK experience their belonging to Nepal and the UK.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nepal is a multi-ethnic state composed of 100 different ethnic groups and that has adopted in law (until 1963) the Hindu-based caste-system which has shaped social inequalities \u00a0and has left a lasting impression on Nepali society. The recruitment to the Gurkha Army from the British Army has followed a caste selective pattern since the 19th<\/sup> century, and the soldiers have traditionally been recruited from a handful of ethnic group<\/a>s. Many of the recruits were men from poor ethnic groups who were used as cheap mercenaries. This caste-based recruitment pattern influenced the settlement in the post-Nepalese postcolonial diaspora in the UK, where these \u2018ethnic minorities\u2019 have become 9 times more represented than in their natal Nepal (Gellner, 2019). It is important to note that \u2018caste\u2019 is based on different ethnic groups in Nepal and the word for both is the same (\u2018jat\/janajati), however, caste is stratified from \u2018higher\u2019 to lower\u2019 or \u2018pure\u2019 and \u2018impure\u2019 people, whereas I use ethnicity to speak about the general Nepali population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite the involvement of Gurkha soldiers in the British Army they have been systematically segregated from mainstream British society. The army\u2019s restriction of the integration of the Gurkha infantry reduced the ability of these soldiers to gain the social capital of language and understanding of the nuances of British society, significantly reducing their opportunities for integration and social mobility in the UK. Due to the lack of social capital, many of the first-generation stuck to the \u2018safe space\u2019 of people \u2018like them\u2019. These spaces enabled the first-generation to maintain values and customs, based on memory and sustained links with their community of origins in Nepal and to pass them on to their children, who not only receive but also transform this cultural capital according to their own transnational activities between Nepal and the UK.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

My research shows that the first-generation Nepalis\u2019 opportunities for upward social mobility and integration in British society was importantly shaped by their opportunity to accrue social capital and become proficient in English while servicing in the UK. The stories of from second-generation Radhika and Maya\u2019s (names changed) parents\u2019 stories are illustrative in this respect. Whilst speaking to Radhika and Maya, I found out that they both knew each other but do not keep in contact much anymore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although this is about the second-generational experiences and their struggles or ability to \u2018balance\u2019 their multiple identities, the focus on their perceptions of their first-generation parents is important as they equip the second-generation with means to successfully balance their identities. However, this knowledge and support is directly related to the first generations\u2019 class belonging within the UK society, and as we see in the case of the Gurkha experience, is based on caste. Maya\u2019s father, who is still employed by the British Army, initially joined the British Gurkha Army in the \u2018niche\u2019 division of admin. This division was not integrated into the Gurkha communities of infantry. Rather his role involved interacting with \u2018officers in the higher ranks\u2019. There was also a generational history as his dad had served in the Gurkha Army, allowing him to access a higher level of education in Nepal than most people from his \u2018gaun\u2019 [village]. This allowed for his career progression within the British Army division, and therefore moved to the UK earlier than other Nepali Gurkha soldiers. He had the finances to invest in Maya\u2019s education and she was able to attend private schools in the UK. Maya\u2019s father was able to learn English and acquire a familiarity with British society, which enabled him to progress within the British Army and not to be confined to only interacting with other Nepalis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Maya\u2019s descriptions of her father\u2019s career offer insights into her family\u2019s transnational identity through their ability to break cultural boundaries by means of their social capital. Maya highlights the \u201cselective acculturation\u201d whereby the second-generation is rooted within their parent\u2019s ethnic identity through language and values, whilst \u201ccushion[ing] the move of both generations” into the \u2018British\u2019 ways, most common \u201camong middle-class immigrants\u201d (Levitt & Waters, 2002: 17). Furthermore, Maya\u2019s father\u2019s social and economic capital has allowed for the creation of a new \u2018imagined\u2019 belonging of Maya\u2019s parents within the UK and a movement into the British class-system. Maya highlights this social and economic mobility through the fact that her parents \u201clook posh\u201d as they started dressing in \u201cred chinos\u201d when she began private school, which highlights her mother\u2019s ability to decipher the appropriate dress code required to match their social mobility. Maya and her parent\u2019s understanding of the nuances of \u2018belonging\u2019 to middle-class British society through clothing provides insights into the parents\u2019 acculturation and integration into the country of destination.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Radhika\u2019s family had a very different experience, and it is clear by the way in which Radhika speaks about her family. She has less pride about her family and their experiences in the UK, and criticises them – especially in comparison to the way in which Maya spoke. Her father\u2019s involvement in the Gurkha Army followed the \u2018usual\u2019 pattern of infantry mercenaries as he was from a \u2018poor\u2019 \u201cgaun [village]\u201d. In Radhika\u2019s words he was faced with either \u201cdo nothing and be nothing\u201d or to join the army. Owing to Radhika\u2019s father\u2019s position within the army, and thus his lack of English proficiency and social knowledge of the UK, they stuck to the \u2018safety net\u2019  of a predominantly Nepali community in Swindon when moving in 2006 after they were granted permanent residency and retirement for his service in the army \u2013 as with majority of the Nepalis in the UK. Radhika states that her parents \u201cwouldn’t really socialise with English people outside of work context\u201d and they would speak English only in case of necessity. Due to their lack of social capital and language knowledge, their opportunities for upward social mobility in the UK have been limited. In contrast to Maya\u2019s father, Radhika\u2019s father is retired from the army and is a security guard, \u201cthe common jobs of Nepali dads\u201d and her mother is a cleaner, \u201canother very common Nepali job\u201d. Parts of the first-generation Nepali diaspora, as described by Radhika, engages in boundary work by operating in primarily Nepali spaces where they can speak the language and maintain their culture and customs. However, according to Radhika, this has hindered their integration and belonging in wider British society. Had they made an active effort, they could have been \u201cmodern\u201d like Maya\u2019s parents, acknowledging the fact they \u201clive in Britain\u201d, and not confined themselves to the Nepali cultural bubble, argued Radhika. I found that contrasting these two experiences were most interesting as Radhika used Maya\u2019s upbringing as a comparison to what her family was not, as Maya\u2019s \u2018mobile\u2019 parents lived in non-Nepali areas with more \u201cpressure to kind of integrate with everybody else\u201d (Radhika). This also provides a subtle commentary of what her parents could have been if it had not been for the \u2018social bubble\u2019 of the Nepali communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Maya\u2019s case illustrates how the first generation \u2018successful\u2019 integration in the recipient society might enable the second generation\u2019s ability to navigate multiple identities successfully. Maya explicitly talked about her strong emotional attachment to Nepal through her \u201cproud history\u201d, which is transmitted by her parents. She interacts with the Nepali side of her identity through the \u2018balancing-act\u2019 whereby she can \u201cpick and choose\u201d what elements of her cultures that believes make up her identity. This does not necessarily mean there are forms of strong material connections with Nepal (e.g. sending remittances or regular visits). Maya says that the most significant part of her \u2018British\u2019 identity was being born in the UK and having a British passport. But her British identity was also formed by going to a private British school, being surrounded by a diverse group of people, taking a gap year before going to university, and having a friendship group which does not only consist of Nepalis. These experiences gave her  the freedom to form her \u2018separate\u2019 identities and values. Yet, Maya\u2019s allegiance to Nepal illustrates the importance interaction with her parents in maintaining traditions, foods, and music.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Whilst Maya\u2019s parents have retained many of the cultural or social traits of their ethnic group, they have adapted their values through \u2018selective acculturation\u2019 where some norms of the community are retained and there is a \u201clack of intergenerational conflict\u201d, and therefore \u201ccushions the move of both generations\u201d into the British ways (Levitt & Waters, 2002, p 17). The social and financial capital of her family are influential in enabling them to break the boundaries of caste maintenance through the creation of a transnational identity, which contributes to a supportive atmosphere for the development of Maya\u2019s transnational identity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the contrary, Radhika\u2019s example illustrates that, because of her father\u2019s caste and especially the fact that he had limited opportunities to acquire higher education (like Maya\u2019s father), he went into the army as infantry like most Nepalis. The segregation from divisions within the army did not give him the opportunity to move away from his comfort zone, nor learn English or about British society. Therefore, he never gained any social capital nor the cultural capital from education and interaction with other British soldiers. Owing to this and his subsequent class belonging in the UK, Radhika\u2019s parents do not possess the means to help guide her conflicting identities without judgement, as they have never been anything other than Nepali. Unlike with Maya\u2019s experience, in the long-term Radhika\u2019s situation can – from the way she spoke about her parents – cause intergenerational conflict and ultimately create a distance between the parents and children.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Safina Bull, University of Exeter, BA Liberal Arts 2022 The paradox of belonging to two places, but at the same time not belonging to either, is something that many people face in a migratory context. Negotiating one\u2019s entangled, intersecting identities…<\/span><\/p>\n

Read more ›<\/a><\/div>\n

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