{"id":162,"date":"2023-02-13T19:51:10","date_gmt":"2023-02-13T19:51:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/sussex-centre-for-migration-research\/?p=162"},"modified":"2023-02-15T16:22:48","modified_gmt":"2023-02-15T16:22:48","slug":"statelessness-and-belonging-the-case-of-saharawis-in-spain","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.sussex.ac.uk\/sussex-centre-for-migration-research\/2023\/02\/13\/statelessness-and-belonging-the-case-of-saharawis-in-spain\/","title":{"rendered":"Statelessness and belonging: The case of Saharawis in Spain"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

By Celia Garcia de Medina-Rosales, alumnus of the Migration Studies MA, University of Sussex (2021\/22). Her dissertation was awarded 2022 JEMS Award for the best Migration Studies MA<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Statelessness, defined in international law as \u2018not being considered a national by any state under the operation of its law<\/a>\u2019, is receiving increased attention. UNHCR\u2019s 2014 \u2018iBelong\u2019<\/em> campaign<\/a> aims at ending statelessness by ensuring the right to a nationality<\/a>, on the grounds that rights are derived from belonging to a political community by acquiring a national citizenship. Another perspective on statelessness looks at groups who have been dispossessed of their land, becoming citizens of states they don\u2019t necessarily identify with. In academia, these are called \u2018stateless diasporas’.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What then, does \u2018belonging\u2019 and \u2018statelessness\u2019 mean to people who are not considered formal citizens of any state where they live? What about those who are, but also identify as belonging to a country not recognised internationally? What role do the host state and society play in their experience, and does this influence their personal engagement with their origin country in the place they now live? Pondering over these questions, I interviewed 8 Saharawis living in Spain as part of my master\u2019s dissertation. This piece highlights my key findings. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indigenous to Western Sahara, the Saharawis were colonised by Spain from 1886 until 1975. A year later, Morocco annexed the territory, and despite numerous UN resolutions<\/a> for its decolonisation, 80% remains occupied. Thousands of Saharawis sought refuge in the camps of Tindouf (Algeria), now governed by the POLISARIO under the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Due to colonialism, most of the diaspora lives in Spain. Those from the Occupied Territories generally possess the Moroccan citizenship. However, those born in the camps find themselves in a legal limbo<\/a>; they\u2019re not Algerian citizens, but Spain doesn\u2019t recognise the SADR either. To regularise their situation, Saharawis must be granted stateless status and eventually obtain citizenship. This situation enables subjective understandings of statelessness to emerge, influenced by the Spanish state and society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spain\u2019s citizenship regime is amongst the strictest within the EU<\/a>, but exceptions based on historical reparations exempt certain Latin Americans and Sephardic Jews. Saharawis, whose situation is a direct consequence of Spanish colonialism, feel they should also belong in this group. Spanish citizenship is not only necessary to enjoy stability and basic rights including work, study, or move, it\u2019s a matter of justice. Due to Spain\u2019s non-recognition of the SADR, many Saharawis possessing stateless documents are met with doubt surrounding their origins, which can substantiate feelings of not belonging anywhere. Others reject the legal definition of statelessness because it erases their collective identity, given that \u2018stateless\u2019 in Spanish is \u2018ap\u00e1trida\u2019:<\/em> the absence of historical, juridical, and affective ties linking a person to a homeland.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Furthermore, Saharawis\u2019 plight doesn\u2019t necessarily end with a passport. Many aspire to visit Western Sahara but can\u2019t because of the fear, restrictions, and intimidation of Moroccan authorities. Algerian-Spanish tense relations might also jeopardise Saharawis\u2019 ability to travel to the Tindouf camps, a place some cited as also belonging to because they can practice their Saharawi culture which they hope to do in their homeland one day. Consequently, Saharawis find ways to negotiate their ascribed statuses. Said\u2019s journey from fleeing the occupied territories with a Moroccan passport to being granted protection and a new citizenship abroad allowed him to voice his Saharawi identity, where he was previously just considered Moroccan. Mustafa applied for stateless status instead of taking the citizenship route, for, besides other practical things, the recognition of the Saharawi refugee camps as his birthplace instead of Algeria. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spain\u2019s local institutions complexify feelings of statelessness and belonging through their immigration practices and degree of support of the Saharawi cause. Catalonia and the Basque Country lead as progressive autonomous regions. Amir, a nurse working in Bilbao feels a sense of attachment to the city because \u2018for the national administration, [he\u2018s] stateless, but the civil servants see [him] as Saharawi\u2019.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Belonging is therefore deeply social and shaped by the relationship that Saharawis have with Spanish people. Given Saharawi and Spanish interconnected histories, many reject exclusive identities. Bahia Awah introduced himself as a \u2018saharo-spanish\u2019 writer and anthropologist, which challenges the idea that Saharawis belong \u2018here\u2019 or <\/em>\u2018there\u2019. This is further contested by Saharawis who decide to remain in Spain after participating as children in the Holidays in Peace<\/em><\/a> scheme where they develop emotional bonds to their host families. Therefore, Saharawis\u2019 sense of belonging in Spain often occurs before obtaining a Spanish passport. Feelings of statelessness and exclusion can also endure after<\/em> obtaining citizenship due to racism and xenophobia within Spanish society. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2018it\u2019s like a constant reminder that you don\u2019t belong here\u2019<\/em>. <\/p>Nadia<\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

The desire for Spanish citizenship is also to influence Spanish\u2019s policies regarding Western Sahara. Others act before obtaining citizenship and use social media as a tool to articulate their distinct identity. However, the non-recognition of Saharawis by the Spanish still impacts their online engagement. During her citizenship application process, Nadia \u2018needed to be careful with what [she] said… not to criticise the Spanish monarchy or share [her] political beliefs\u2019. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Before 2013, Saharawis were considered either Moroccan or Algerian.<\/a> The stateless status identifies Saharawis, which Mustafa sees as a political tool of pressure on governors to be attentive to their demands as future voters. Other factors influencing their engagement includes the extent of the host family\u2019s political involvement or Saharawi\u2019s socio-economic positionality as adults: some have more time and financial resources than those in lower-wage sectors or where they can\u2019t access activist networks. Improving one\u2019s socio-economic and legal situation is not necessarily incompatible with mobilising for Western Sahara. Iman is part of an organisation of lawyers who help Saharawis with legal matters, but Spanish citizenship allowed her to study, learn languages and become an expert to also advance the case of Western Sahara in international law. As a university teacher, Bahia visibilises Saharawis within Spanish academia by organising fieldtrips to the camps and liberated territories.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Experiencing statelessness and exclusion also motivates Saharawis to change Spain\u2019s socio-political landscape and formulate a new template for belonging. Mustafa\u2019s Saharawi collective supports unaccompanied Moroccan youth because he strives for a Spanish solidarity that challenges ideas of loyalty and nationalism. Bahia\u2019s essay \u2018Lavapies\u2019<\/a> suggests a non-hierarchical idea of belonging, independent from one\u2019s ethnicity, passport, and class. Indeed, Saharawis\u2019 condition is not detached from that of other migrants, which explains Nadia\u2019s participation in last year\u2019s protest following the Melilla massacre<\/a> by Moroccan and Spanish forces, whose collaboration followed Spain\u2019s support for Morocco\u2019s occupation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[Belonging is] the fight for the rights of people in a society<\/em> [asking us to] imagine an administration where they don\u2019t understand your language but try to understand you\u2026 these things are what make you feel part of something<\/em><\/p>Iman<\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Despite the limited sample, my research offers insights into the experience of Saharawis in Spain and their personal strategies to accept, redefine, or negotiate top-down categorisations of \u2018stateless\u2019, \u2018citizen\u2019, \u2018Saharawi\u2019 or \u2018Spanish\u2019, and how this influences their understanding of belonging in profound ways, shaping personal engagements. This lens, that centers their voices, needs to be privileged to comprehensively address the issue of statelessness. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

By Celia Garcia de Medina-Rosales, alumnus of the Migration Studies MA, University of Sussex (2021\/22). Her dissertation was awarded 2022 JEMS Award for the best Migration Studies MA Statelessness, defined in international law as \u2018not being considered a national by…<\/span><\/p>\n

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