Leonard Chimanda, Postgraduate Researcher, Faculty of Social Sciences: School of Law
Until refugees acquire the nationality of the host state or return to their states of origin, several years can pass. In that period, what are the avenues of political voice available to refugees? Voting rights are not the only conceivable avenue yet a central one (Dana Schmalz, 2021, p. 95)
With just few weeks to go until Tanzania’s General Election on October 29, 2025, my mind turns to the significant democratic process unfolding in my home country. During my fieldwork in Kigoma villages, Tanzania, earlier this year, researching durable solutions for self-settled refugees in the area, the lack of voting rights for this population became apparent. Many refugees in the villages fled the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Burundi and arrived in Tanzania in 1972 and are approaching their 53rd year without the right to vote in not only general elections but also local government elections. This creates a clear democratic gap in the country, which hosts a significant group in a situation of protracted displacement and whose political needs and preferences are ignored.
Contextualizing the 2025 Tanzanian General Election
Tanzania’s electoral landscape is dynamic, with the National Electoral Commission pledging a transparent, fair, and peaceful process. The commission has confirmed arrangements for 99,911 polling stations across mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar, with over 37 million registered voters. Notably, for the first time, prisoners will be allowed to vote in the presidential election, albeit with certain security restrictions. I find it striking, and somewhat confusing to understand, that prisoners are being granted this right while refugees, who have committed no crime other than fleeing war, are excluded; a disparity that feels contrary to principles of humanity, equality and social inclusion.
The context of Refugees in Kigoma villages
The plight of self-settled Burundian refugees in Tanzania is particularly complex. The Hutu Burundian refugees in Kigoma villages share the same ethnic origin as the surrounding local Ha community; their languages are mutually intelligible, reflecting the arbitrary nature of borders drawn during the 1884 Berlin Conference. This cultural and ethnic affinity with their host community is one of the factors that underpin my argument that a grant of voting rights to these refugees should be considered. Furthermore, repatriation to Burundi is challenging due to their lost connections with their country of origin, and resettlement to a third country isn’t a viable option for most. As such, for the more than 20,000 refugees present in Kigoma villages, a local solution (naturalization or grant of permanent residence status) in Tanzania would be the most plausible path. The majority were born in Tanzania, fostering deep bonds and potential sense of belonging with the country. I imagine as a parent seeing my child grow into adulthood without ever having voted and this makes me think of my own lovely daughters Samantha and Sharon, the thought fills me with sadness.
Village market used by both locals and refugees at Kinazi village in Buhigwe District, Kigoma region. Photo by the author.
What are the Legal Standards on Voting Rights for Refugees?
There is a developing scholarship advocating for the enfranchisement of refugees. Bender for instance, argues that, if they are affected by decisions of their host state, refugees should be granted the right to vote immediately after they get refugee status. Nonetheless, the presumption that refugee status is temporary has generally led to limited right to vote. The general presumption has been that refugees will go back to their countries of origin, immediately after the situation that made them flee ceases. This presumption has made most countries in the world exempt refugees from voting.
Only a few countries allow refugees to vote. In Malawi, for instance refugees who have stayed in the country for at least 7 years can vote in general elections. The same is accorded to refugees in Chile, Ecuador, New Zealand and Uruguay with varying length of residency requirements; from 1 year in New Zealand to 15 years in Uruguay. Other countries though do not allow refugees to vote in national elections they grant voting rights to refugees during local government elections. In Sweden for instance, refugees who have been in the country for a minimum of 3 continuous years are allowed to vote in municipal and county elections. Another example can be picked from the United Kingdom where though voting rights are not granted to refugee per se, refugees who are Commonwealth citizens have voting rights during parliamentary and local government elections.
While refugee exemption from voting rights can be justified, especially because of the temporality of the refugee status, the protractedness of refugee situation presents a separate case worthy to bring a different policy paradigm. In a protracted refugee situation, refugees stay in a host country for a long time without a prospect of a durable solution. In these circumstances and with time, refugees become detached from their countries of origin and become attached to their host states to the extent that the host state becomes their only hope where their rights including voting rights can be realized. The United Nations Refugee Convention of 1951 is silent on refugees’ right to political participation, as is the OAU Refugee Convention of 1969. This brings me to a question: to what extent does international refugee law address refugee problems, especially protracted refugee situations in the Global South? This question aligns with third world approaches to international law (TWAIL). TWAIL critiques the relevance of international law for marginalized groups in the Global South. Particularly, the second phase of TWAIL (TWAIL 2) while acknowledging the coloniality of international law, holds States in the Global South responsible for their failure to protect their own marginalized people even in circumstances where they can. TWAIL 2 points out human rights violations as an example of state oppression against marginalized people in the Global South countries. Affirming this TWAIL 2 proposition, Tanzania, which hosts over 200, 000 refugees (including refugees in Kigoma villages) in situation of protracted displacement, does not grant them voting rights neither during national elections nor during local government elections.
The Global Compact on Refugees (GCR), a current implementation framework of international refugee law, while silent on political rights for refugees, nonetheless recognizes the precarity of refugee livelihoods especially in a protracted situation. The GCR calls for international cooperation in finding solutions for refugees in protracted displacement appreciating the fact that most of these people are in Global South countries whose economy is unstable.
Refugees in Kigoma villages have not exercised voting rights for more than 50 years since their arrival in 1972. Most of them were born in Tanzania and there is currently a fourth generation of these refugees in the country. Many of them know next to nothing about Burundi (their country of origin) and they consider Tanzania their ‘home’. They are emotionally and materially attached to Tanzania, making important economic contributions to the country, unlikely to return to Burundi, and they are affected by decisions made by political leaders elected through general elections. It is therefore pivotal and logical that the country re-considers extending voting rights to this population.
Way forward
Tanzania approaches its general election: a critical moment in democratic states. Reflections on inclusivity, democratic engagement, and the rights of all residents including long-standing refugee populations are vital. Recognizing the fact that protection of refugees is the responsibility of the international community and informed by the spirit of the Global Compact on Refugees, I call for effective international cooperation especially in identifying protracted refugee situations and offering appropriate support to host states towards comprehensive solutions.
Borders, belonging and ballots: the electoral marginalization of self-settled refugees in Tanzania
Leonard Chimanda, Postgraduate Researcher, Faculty of Social Sciences: School of Law
With just few weeks to go until Tanzania’s General Election on October 29, 2025, my mind turns to the significant democratic process unfolding in my home country. During my fieldwork in Kigoma villages, Tanzania, earlier this year, researching durable solutions for self-settled refugees in the area, the lack of voting rights for this population became apparent. Many refugees in the villages fled the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Burundi and arrived in Tanzania in 1972 and are approaching their 53rd year without the right to vote in not only general elections but also local government elections. This creates a clear democratic gap in the country, which hosts a significant group in a situation of protracted displacement and whose political needs and preferences are ignored.
Contextualizing the 2025 Tanzanian General Election
Tanzania’s electoral landscape is dynamic, with the National Electoral Commission pledging a transparent, fair, and peaceful process. The commission has confirmed arrangements for 99,911 polling stations across mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar, with over 37 million registered voters. Notably, for the first time, prisoners will be allowed to vote in the presidential election, albeit with certain security restrictions. I find it striking, and somewhat confusing to understand, that prisoners are being granted this right while refugees, who have committed no crime other than fleeing war, are excluded; a disparity that feels contrary to principles of humanity, equality and social inclusion.
The context of Refugees in Kigoma villages
The plight of self-settled Burundian refugees in Tanzania is particularly complex. The Hutu Burundian refugees in Kigoma villages share the same ethnic origin as the surrounding local Ha community; their languages are mutually intelligible, reflecting the arbitrary nature of borders drawn during the 1884 Berlin Conference. This cultural and ethnic affinity with their host community is one of the factors that underpin my argument that a grant of voting rights to these refugees should be considered. Furthermore, repatriation to Burundi is challenging due to their lost connections with their country of origin, and resettlement to a third country isn’t a viable option for most. As such, for the more than 20,000 refugees present in Kigoma villages, a local solution (naturalization or grant of permanent residence status) in Tanzania would be the most plausible path. The majority were born in Tanzania, fostering deep bonds and potential sense of belonging with the country. I imagine as a parent seeing my child grow into adulthood without ever having voted and this makes me think of my own lovely daughters Samantha and Sharon, the thought fills me with sadness.
What are the Legal Standards on Voting Rights for Refugees?
There is a developing scholarship advocating for the enfranchisement of refugees. Bender for instance, argues that, if they are affected by decisions of their host state, refugees should be granted the right to vote immediately after they get refugee status. Nonetheless, the presumption that refugee status is temporary has generally led to limited right to vote. The general presumption has been that refugees will go back to their countries of origin, immediately after the situation that made them flee ceases. This presumption has made most countries in the world exempt refugees from voting.
Only a few countries allow refugees to vote. In Malawi, for instance refugees who have stayed in the country for at least 7 years can vote in general elections. The same is accorded to refugees in Chile, Ecuador, New Zealand and Uruguay with varying length of residency requirements; from 1 year in New Zealand to 15 years in Uruguay. Other countries though do not allow refugees to vote in national elections they grant voting rights to refugees during local government elections. In Sweden for instance, refugees who have been in the country for a minimum of 3 continuous years are allowed to vote in municipal and county elections. Another example can be picked from the United Kingdom where though voting rights are not granted to refugee per se, refugees who are Commonwealth citizens have voting rights during parliamentary and local government elections.
While refugee exemption from voting rights can be justified, especially because of the temporality of the refugee status, the protractedness of refugee situation presents a separate case worthy to bring a different policy paradigm. In a protracted refugee situation, refugees stay in a host country for a long time without a prospect of a durable solution. In these circumstances and with time, refugees become detached from their countries of origin and become attached to their host states to the extent that the host state becomes their only hope where their rights including voting rights can be realized. The United Nations Refugee Convention of 1951 is silent on refugees’ right to political participation, as is the OAU Refugee Convention of 1969. This brings me to a question: to what extent does international refugee law address refugee problems, especially protracted refugee situations in the Global South? This question aligns with third world approaches to international law (TWAIL). TWAIL critiques the relevance of international law for marginalized groups in the Global South. Particularly, the second phase of TWAIL (TWAIL 2) while acknowledging the coloniality of international law, holds States in the Global South responsible for their failure to protect their own marginalized people even in circumstances where they can. TWAIL 2 points out human rights violations as an example of state oppression against marginalized people in the Global South countries. Affirming this TWAIL 2 proposition, Tanzania, which hosts over 200, 000 refugees (including refugees in Kigoma villages) in situation of protracted displacement, does not grant them voting rights neither during national elections nor during local government elections.
The Global Compact on Refugees (GCR), a current implementation framework of international refugee law, while silent on political rights for refugees, nonetheless recognizes the precarity of refugee livelihoods especially in a protracted situation. The GCR calls for international cooperation in finding solutions for refugees in protracted displacement appreciating the fact that most of these people are in Global South countries whose economy is unstable.
Refugees in Kigoma villages have not exercised voting rights for more than 50 years since their arrival in 1972. Most of them were born in Tanzania and there is currently a fourth generation of these refugees in the country. Many of them know next to nothing about Burundi (their country of origin) and they consider Tanzania their ‘home’. They are emotionally and materially attached to Tanzania, making important economic contributions to the country, unlikely to return to Burundi, and they are affected by decisions made by political leaders elected through general elections. It is therefore pivotal and logical that the country re-considers extending voting rights to this population.
Way forward
Tanzania approaches its general election: a critical moment in democratic states. Reflections on inclusivity, democratic engagement, and the rights of all residents including long-standing refugee populations are vital. Recognizing the fact that protection of refugees is the responsibility of the international community and informed by the spirit of the Global Compact on Refugees, I call for effective international cooperation especially in identifying protracted refugee situations and offering appropriate support to host states towards comprehensive solutions.
Posted in Migration Comments, Migration Research