The G20’s ACWG has been around for a decade. In this post, Professor Robert Barrington argues that on balance it is more useful than not, but that is hardly a ringing endorsement. If it is to survive a further decade, he argues, some tangible progress is necessary. This is the sixth and final blog post in the CSC’s series ‘The role of the G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group in influencing the global agenda.’
It is too easy to sigh that ‘more must be done’ by international fora such as the G20, writes Maggie Murphy. Rather than to deliver a breakthrough intergovernmental agreement, Murphy argues that the point of the G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group (ACWG) is to create inches of space for other actors to enter and expand the anti-corruption field. This is the fifth blog post in the CSC’s series ‘The role of the G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group in influencing the global agenda’.
Fighting corruption is both a technical and a political process. In this post, CSC Director Liz David-Barrett argues that an ‘A20’ group of academics could inject much-needed evidence and learning into the work of the G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group, providing technical support for this high-level political process. This is the fourth blog post in the CSC’s series ‘The role of the G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group in influencing the global agenda’.
Assessing the 11-year-long experience of the G20’s Anti-Corruption Working Group (ACWG) M. Emilia Berazategui argues that it is time for the G20 ACWG to focus on implementation. As she writes, the anti-corruption commitments made are often not new, repeating promises that were already made, and not follow through, before. This year represents an occasion for the Italian presidency to set a new standard. This is the third blog post in the CSC’s series ‘The role of the G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group in influencing the global agenda’.
Informal cooperation between law enforcement authorities is crucial in countering different forms of crime, including corruption. But, as Dr Nassar Abaalkhail writes, authorities in many countries are not empowered enough to engage in such cooperation. The Riyadh Initiative towards the creation of a Global Operational Network of Anti-Corruption Law Enforcement Authorities (GlobE) aims to enhance direct contact between anti-corruption law enforcement authorities, thus helping a wider range of countries to engage in international cooperation. This is the second blog post in the CSC’s series ‘The role of the G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group in influencing the global agenda’.
In reflecting on the work of the G20’s Anti-Corruption Working Group (ACWG), Phil Mason explains that while grand international summits often consist in more ‘theatre’ than substance, they can nevertheless provide important avenues for reform. As he writes, “these processes can be powerful, if virtually invisible, engines of quiet change”. But, as the balance between words and action remains vastly out of kilter, a much stronger focus on implementation is essential to make the exercise worthwhile. This is the first blog post in the CSC’s series ‘The role of the G20 Anti-Corruption Working group in influencing the global agenda’.
Professor Robert Barrington, a faculty member at the Centre for the Study of Corruption who teaches both the campus-based and online Masters in Corruption & Governance, reflects on the employment prospects for those who follow this course. The course brochure can be found here.
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Jerry Beere, who is currently taking the online Masters in Corruption & Governance course, looks at the film Colectiv, and what it can tell us about corruption in Romania and beyond – as well as the roles that film and art can play in communicating the complex causes and consequences of corruption.
Read more ›With the Prime Minister under investigation by the Electoral Commission over the so-called ‘cash for curtains’ affairs, Dr Sam Power, Lecturer in Corruption Analysis at the Centre for the Study of Corruption, breaks down the questions that Boris Johnson and the Conservative party are facing, the legal implications of the accusations, and what the potential political fallout might look at. This piece was first published in The Conversation on April 29th 2021 and the original can be found here.
Read more ›European Super League, we hardly knew ye!
On Sunday 19th April 2021 12 of Europe’s ‘biggest’ football clubs announced their plans to break away from established European competition to form their own ‘Super League’. Little more than 48 hours later over half of them had backed down in the face of overwhelming opposition and the Super League idea (in this form at least) was all but dead.
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